Background
In his latest paper entitled “Ethiopia: Where do we go (or not go) from here?”, Professor Alemayehu cogently discussed possible trajectories Ethiopia would and should take in the years to come. He questioned how and to what extent the opposition is doing their jobs compared to what people in the governing party are doing. The implicit message of the paper is that the opposition and all concerned Ethiopians must choose and drive on the highway that leads to genuine democracy. I concur with his passionate call and would like to contribute to the discussion from a different perspective.
A symbol of peace, Google picture
Mainly because of the obsession and compulsion with the everyday political situation back home, issues related to the future of Ethiopia are least discussed. Analysis after analysis following the occurrence of a problem might not have practical, if not political, relevance. Making analyses or predictions related to socio-economic and political issues is vital to take proactive measures.
Mainly because of the obsession and compulsion with the everyday political situation back home, issues related to the future of Ethiopia are least discussed. Analysis after analysis following the occurrence of a problem might not have practical, if not political, relevance. Making analyses or predictions related to socio-economic and political issues is vital to take proactive measures.
In this
paper, I would like to highlight issues related to Ethiopia’s peace condition
in the future based on literature and my own views. First, I succinctly present a study on future
peace condition in Ethiopia and internationally. Second, some of the conditions
that could aggravate conflict, or conditions that do not sustain peace, are
elaborated. Third, other conditions that are thought to have a moderating role
are identified. And lastly, implications that the government, the opposition,
the media, and the entire peace-loving people should be aware of are
highlighted.
Will Ethiopia be more or less peaceful?
Implicitly
or explicitly, reports from international organizations seem to hold the
conclusion that Ethiopia has a high risk of being in conflicts in the future.
For this paper, a study conducted by the University of Oslo in cooperation with the Oslo Peace Research Institute is
considered for its recency and its theoretical and methodological rigor in the
collection and analysis of data at the global level. To have a complete
understanding and judgment of the findings, it is useful to first say some
about the study itself.
The Oslo study
This
study is conducted by Professor Håvard Hegre of the
Department of Political Science at the University of Oslo in cooperation
with the Peace Institute. The paper is being published in a scientific journal
but the summary of the study appears in Apollo, University of Oslo’s research
magazine. The goal of the study is to simulate extent of peace
and conflict internationally until 2050. The model used for simulation is developed based on the last
40 years' history of conflicts in all countries and their neighbors, oil
resources, ethnicity, infant mortality,
education, and youth population. The focus of the study is internal armed
conflict between governments and organized groups such as political parties
and/or ethnic groups. According to the study, “A conflict is defined as a conflict
between governments and political organizations that use violence and in which
at least 25 people die”. Before drawing conclusions and for statistical reasons, the
programme/software is run 18,000 times.
The sensational conflict simulations indicated that the world will be a more peaceful place
to live in the future. Except
for sub-Saharan Africa, all continents are expected to have a decline in the risk of
conflict. Surprisingly, the decrease in conflict is found to be greatest
in the Middle East. The study does not explain why conflict is decreasing in
those and other countries but it is indicated that education
and economic development are the key factors. The researchers indicated that in
most parts of the world, it is too expensive to kill in the decades to come.
Unfortunately, there are several spots in the
world where it is and will be too cheap to kill. Ethiopia has the greatest risk
of conflict in the next four decades. According to the
study, "In 5 years the risk of conflict will be greatest in India,
Ethiopia, the Philippines, Uganda and Burma. In 40 years the risk will be
greatest in India, Nigeria, Sudan, Ethiopia and Tanzania. Those countries
in which the risk of conflict will sink most in the next 40 years are Algeria,
Colombia, Turkey and Thailand” (Apollon, 2012). These countries are simulated
to have high risks of conflicts for nearly four decades.
At the global level, the findings of the study seem to promise a
safer future. For Sub-Saharan Africa, the study provided a disturbing signal.
Still, one could raise the question: to what extent the findings are valid to
the region and to Ethiopia particularly? I argue that there are several
conflict aggravating and moderating conditions as far as Ethiopia is concerned.
In general, I could say we happen to have much more powerful aggravating
conditions than moderating ones. That means, if appropriate measures are not
taken in good time and to the right degree, we could witness conflict after
conflict in the years to come. It could continue to be too cheap to kill in
Ethiopia.
Conflict
aggravating conditions
It is painful to
simulate conflict for any country, let alone ones own. But reality must be
faced and dealt with in good time. I could argue that the Oslo study summarized
above is a bit relaxed in its consideration of factors but finally gets it
right in the conclusions. The conclusion that Ethiopia will have the greatest
risk of conflict seems warranted for a number of reasons.
One, what is missing
from the Oslo study is the consideration of the existing political conditions within
countries. The study does not consider the governance style of the studied
countries. One reason may be that the researchers assume that current
government commitment to democratic principles does not have predictive power
because governments are supposed to function for one or maximum of two terms.
This does not apply to Africa and Ethiopia, where governments are as ‘eternal’
as kings and queens. Our governments assume that their contract is permanent.
If the Oslo study were to consider this reality, Ethiopia would perhaps be one
of the three or so countries that has the highest risk of conflict. That is why
I argued above that the Oslo study is relaxed methodologically.
The point is that
the governing party is not in a position to serve the public as promised. The
government breaks the constitution in day light. The justice system could not
get the confidence of the public. The military, the police, and the security
apparatus do not have friendly relationships with the majority. Merit-based
employment and investment is becoming a dream. The media are systematically
made paralyzed. Professional associations are incapacitated or, are replaced by
quasi ones that are sympathetic with the government. Websites and broadcasts
are blocked. These and other factors associated with government mismanagement
are recipes for future conflict.
Two, partly because
of the extremely ugly and hostile political climate back home, several groups
are creating unions and fronts and are already in the battlefields. Armed
groups operate in the North, South, East, and West part of the country. New forces
are joining the momentum. In fact, this is the strongest empirical evidence
that warrants the conclusion that future conflict is indeed a reality in
Ethiopia.
Three, education
and economic development are two key factors that influence sustaining conflict
and/or peace. If quality education is offered to at least a sizeable portion of
the youth, and if economic development is equitable and sustainable, peace
would reign and conflict would be avoided. On the other hand, if education is
limited or if it is provided in poor quality, and if only a certain portion of
the population is enjoying the fruits of economic growth, conflict would be the
order of the day.
In Ethiopia, yes,
education is massively expanded both at basic and higher levels but its quality
is extremely worrisome. International education organizations and experts as
well as the government are aware of this fact. That means, poor quality education
is technically equal to absence of education when it comes to its contribution
to development and peace. Moreover, the Ethiopian economy is reportedly growing
in double-digits. But that level of growth could not be grounded. Either
statistics are engineered or only extremely limited number of people are
reaping all the benefits. Millions are still in food aid. The cost of living is
sky rocketing. In general, Ethiopia seems to have less powerful education and
economic bases to ensure peace for the years to come.
Four, we, as any
country else, tend to have a conflict-driven past. Conflicts characterize, for
instance, the period of Zemene Mesafint, the Haile Selasse period, the Dergue
times, and the EPRDF tenurship. Although there are a number of countries who
used to have devastating conflicts but who are now peaceful and prosperous,
there are several other countries that tend to sustain their bad habits-
conflict. That means, there is some chance of considering wars and conflicts as
alternative means of solving problems. This makes even more sense if one
considers the nature of the governing party, EPRDF.
Five, there are
strong indications that the military is not in good shape as well. We have
heard the clashes within the military that left dozens dead and wounded. That
again attests to the presence of a really big structural problem with the
system. Whatever group comes the invincible in the end, the defeated would consider
retreating to Asimba or Dedebit again. The military is a microcosm of the power
balance at the top leadership.
Six, the EPRDF top
leadership seems in disarray as well. Following the death of the late Meles
Zenawi, the entire system started to shake up. Still, ‘tremors’ are being felt
from a distant. In times of crisis, Meles has had that tactical capability of
maneuvering and taking conditions to his and then his party advantage. That
agility and decisiveness in decision making is nowhere to be found in today’s top
leadership. We happen to hear inconsistencies in government communications and
it is pretty unclear who really makes decisions at the top. The internal fight
seems to continue until one group wins the will of the top military officials,
as AK47’s proved to be the panacea. The power skirmishes indicate the
probability of conflict in the near future. Whoever will win, conflict is
likely to take place for at least sometime. It is however useful to consider
into the analysis the conditions that might have a moderating role.
Moderating factors
There are some
conditions that seem to ensure relative peace in the near future. Or at least,
they could limit the scale of conflicts. The problem is that these conditions, compared
to the aforementioned conflict-aggravating conditions, seem to have a much less
power to influence the overall equation- peace. They are yet worth mentioning.
The God factor
Ethiopia is a deeply religious country.
Christians and Muslims daily live their respective religions. There is a
general tendency to leave complex issues such as peace and conflict to God.
Several as a result do not take part in politics and consider themselves
neutral. That is partly why we do not see a single demonstration despite 1) we
have had over 30 inflation rate, 2) we
see with our naked eyes the level of corruption and nepotism, 3) miscarriage of
justice, 4) our college graduates are employed as stone cutters, 5) the police and
the security offices are terrorizing the public, and more. The average believer
seems to wait for God to intervene. This seems to demonstrate a false sense of
peace and security at the moment.
The fear factor
Again for many Ethiopians, conflicts are too
expensive to be waged. We have that fresh memory of the massacre of hundreds of
thousands of youngsters in the name of Red Terror. We vividly saw the cost of
war that was fought between the Dergue and the now EPRDF. We have a fresh
memory of the recent Ethio-Eritrean senseless war that claimed over 70, 000
innocent lives. We have that memory of the massacre of nearly 200 people in
relation to post-election demonstrations. Generally, we have a nasty pool of
experience in wars and conflicts. All these might discourage some or many or
most of us from designing and orchestrating conflicts of any sort in the
future. Simply, we are afraid of deaths, wounds, jails, and persecutions.
The diplomatic factor
International organizations such as the UN and
the EU and powerful countries such as the US could play a somehow mediating
role in case of accumulation of signs of eminent conflict. Although these
organizations and countries do not usually stop conflicts from happening, they
try hard to avoid them. Countries and/or groups that demonstratively believe in
and enact democracy might discourage undemocratic governances from clinging to
power through sustaining conflicts. Also, some indication is present that
economic aids and loans might be linked to democratic governance.
Concluding remarks
Based on the Oslo study, conditions that
aggravate conflict and that sustain relative peace are highlighted in this
paper. The analysis seems to indicate that conflict would be on the horizon in
the near future in Ethiopia if appropriate measures are not taken. The most
important single factor that could ensure sustained peace is democratic
governance: governance which ensures the rule of law, transparency and accountability.
In order to avoid possible conflicts, the government in Ethiopia must practice
the constitution. The media must be allowed to flourish again. The opposition
must be allowed to convene, publish, open offices, and call demonstrations. The
public must be allowed to freely assemble, associate, and get employed based on
merit. Discrimination and harassment of any sort at work and elsewhere must be
stopped. All the ethnic groups must be brought back to the unifying force:
being Ethiopian.
The opposition and the media (at home and
abroad) must also make peaceful co-existence their top agenda. They could
develop and sustain educative programmes tailored to accommodate differences.
Political parties need to organize themselves around nationalism and not around
ethnic lines. The media should initiate and maintain dialogues on unity and
peace issues. They should stop publishing papers that preach, implicitly or
explicitly, hate, ethnocentrism, and division. Criticisms must differentiate
people from ideas and people from their ethnic identity.
Contributions from social scientists are
seminal for understanding and solving people’s grievances. Media should take
initiatives to bring together sociologists, anthropologists, psychologists,
political scientists, lawyers and others for a nuanced discussion of pertinent
social issues. The discussions should aim at creating a common platform or
shared basis of understanding and action for a better future.
In sum, peace is maintained if and only if all
the stakeholders take supreme responsibility for their decisions and actions. If
the public, social scientists, the elderly, the media, the opposition, and the
government do their part of the job, there is no reason why Ethiopia will be
prone to decades of conflicts. The government is but the most indispensable
entity that could reconfigure the overall set up because it is the government’s
mismanagement that is pushing people to the bushes. If they open the nearly
closed political space and if they enact the constitution and ensure
accountability, conflict would be just history. I strongly wish that,
henceforth, it should be too expensive to kill in Ethiopia!
Dear Mr. Teklu,
ReplyDeleteFirst of all I would like to thank you for your effort to present us such an insightful paper. However, after going through it I see some problems, because you based your analysis on a single methodological approach which most government related institutions are using. This methodology is simply an empirical one which cannot encompass so many things. Though you have tried to show the methodological deficiency of the institute, you are not bold enough to show its scientific deficiency. As long as such institute does not consider all the aspects which have been produced and reproduced over the last sixty years, as long as it undermines the role of foreign forces in shaping the internal social matrix of many African countries, its approaches will be simply sophistic, and leads us to great confusion. Regarding this problem I have developed my own methodology based on Platonist idea, which I think the best methodology to understand the social problems of many Third World Countries. All Western Scholars starting the six century AD have been using this method to understand human problems in their own continent. One of the best works is Dante`s The Comedy of Gods. Now all the new western institutions which were organized after the second world have avoided from their thinking this kind of Methodology, and of course not without reason.
Any way I thank you very much for your bold approach, and please try to read some of my articles which I send you as an attachment.
Regards
Thank you for this important and convincing article,I will keep it in
ReplyDeletemy file and do all I can to fight all that hinders or stands on the
way to lead a peaceful life for all Ethiopians as it is written here
in your article,thank you.